Sunday, June 23, 2013

Sri Lanka's National Security Concerns - Full Text of Speech by the Defence Secretary

I welcome you to this lecture under the National Interest Module of the inaugural MPhil/PhD Programme of the Kotelawala Defence University. The topic of this lecture is "Sri Lanka's National Security Concerns". As we all know, Sri Lanka is one of the most peaceful and stable countries in the world today. Our citizens are enjoying the benefits of peace and have complete freedom and countless opportunities to build better futures for themselves. At the same time, it must be understood that as with any other sovereign nation, Sri Lanka faces potential threats from various sources.
 
Guarding against these threats and ensuring the safety of the nation is the first duty of the Government, because National Security is the foundation of our freedom and our prosperity. As such, the Government needs to be fully aware of all the issues that impact the country in areas such as Defence, Foreign Policy, Economic Affairs and internal Law & Order. It must formulate a comprehensive National Security strategy to deal with them.
 
A viable National Security strategy must constantly align ends with means, goals with resources, and objectives with the tools required to accomplish them. The strategy needs to be aligned with the aspirations of the people, and it must have public support. Ideally, if comprehensive security is to be ensured, it requires the achievement of national cohesion, political and economic stability, the elimination of terrorism, the countering of extremism, and the formulation of effective responses to external challenges. The Government must make every effort to keep aware of a continually changing situation and take appropriate action in response to new developments and challenges. It is only then that the safety of the nation can be assured.
 
In the course of this lecture on Sri Lanka's National Security Concerns, I will examine the following areas:
  • Sri Lanka's overall National Security context
  • The primary threats to our National Security at present; and,
  • The strategies that are being formulated in response to these threats.

The Context of National Security in Sri Lanka
In the first several years after the achievement of Independence, National Security did not need to be a primary concern of the Government of Ceylon. As an independent Dominion of Great Britain, and as a non-aligned nation with excellent relationships within and outside the region, there were few pressing threats that the Government had to deal with. As a result, the attention given to National Security was minimal, as was the emphasis placed on the country's Defence apparatus. The military was largely ceremonial. It only had to assist the Government on occasions when there were issues such as public sector work stoppages or riots. The need to strengthen law enforcement and the Armed Forces to protect the nation against internal or external threats was not seen as a pressing concern. The attempted coup d'‚tat in 1962 further reduced the attention given to the Defence apparatus by the Government. Due to fears that a strong military would be a threat to democracy, as had been the case in some neighbouring countries during this period, funding for the Armed Forces was drastically reduced and recruitments curtailed.
 
As a result of the weakening of the military, the country was not in the best position to deal with the first major threat to its National Security when it erupted in 1971. This was the first JVP Insurrection. Although investigations into JVP activities had been going on for some time, cutbacks to intelligence services, including the closure of the Special Branch of the Police in 1970, had left the Government largely unaware of the scale of the insurrection it was facing. The nation's military was overstretched. In response to the Government's appeals for help, India and Pakistan sent in troops to secure critical installations while essential equipment and ammunition was provided by Britain and the Soviet Union. Although the insurrection was successfully suppressed within a short time, it had many consequences. One of the most crucial from a historical perspective was that National Security became a much greater concern both for the Government and for the general public. As Ceylon became Sri Lanka in 1972, upholding National Security was one of its foremost priorities.
In the late 1970s, Sri Lanka saw the emergence of the greatest ever threat to its sovereignty in the form of the terrorism of the Tamil separatist groups in the North and East. As the conflict worsened in the early 1980s, particularly after the riots of 1983, the threat of terrorism loomed large not only in the North and East but effectively all over the country. The rise of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), and the likelihood of its attacks in public places fostered a deep insecurity amongst the people. There was significant loss of life, loss of property, and countless lost opportunities to achieve economic development. The law and order situation deteriorated as arms and ammunition started to flow to criminal elements in the underworld. By the late 1980s, the second JVP insurrection caused the further deterioration of the security situation throughout Sri Lanka. As a result of the increasing instability and violence, people began to lose some of their freedoms as more and more intensive measures had to be taken by the state in trying to uphold public security.
 
As the terrorism situation worsened, there was also an increasing involvement of foreign powers and the international community in Sri Lanka's internal affairs. During the early stages of the terrorist conflict, India trained LTTE cadres in training bases established in Tamil Nadu. Many of the leaders of other separatist groups also frequented that state. It is also important to note that several international Non Governmental Organisations that were based in the North and East first started to cooperate with the terrorist groups active in those areas during this period. In 1985, India facilitated talks between the Government of Sri Lanka and the separatist groups in Thimpu, Bhutan. The talks collapsed due to the unrealistic demands made by the separatists. These demands would have gravely affected Sri Lanka's sovereignty if granted, and the Government had no choice but to refuse them. Fighting soon resumed. By this time, the conflict transformed into one between the state and the LTTE, which had used the ceasefire granted for the Thimpu talks to destroy rival separatist groups.
As the fighting gained momentum, the emphasis given to National Security by the Government also increased. For the first time, the appointment of a Minister of National Security was seen as necessary. The strength of the military was also significantly enhanced, with larger recruitment drives, the acquisition of better assets, and improved training to counter the growing threats. With its improved capabilities, the military was able to make more and more progress in fighting the terrorism of the LTTE. For the first time, we also saw changes within the structure of the military. The need for a coordinated effort to combat terrorism led to the establishment of a Joint Operation Command to coordinate the three Armed Services, Police and Intelligence Services in counter terrorism operations. The military used battle formations for the first time, and the requirement for a National Intelligence Bureau to coordinate the intelligence services at a national level was also understood and subsequently brought into being.
 
In 1987, the very successful Vadamarachchi Operation enabled the Government to regain control of much of the North, leaving the LTTE on the brink of defeat. At this point, India intervened directly in the conflict by air dropping humanitarian relief supplies over Jaffna. This led to the abandonment of the Vadamarachchi operation, and the Indo-Lanka Accord was signed in July of that year. This led to the induction of the Indian Peacekeeping Force (IPKF) to the North of Sri Lanka, where it got embroiled in conflict with the LTTE. After more than two years of fighting, the IPKF withdrew from Sri Lanka in October 1990, and fighting resumed between the LTTE and Government Forces.
Although there were several periodic attempts at peace talks, the intensity of the war grew during the 1990s and in the early 2000s, with several major battles being fought and much hardship suffered throughout the country. The military was strengthened significantly to deal with this threat. Specialised units such as the Commando Regiment and the Special Forces Regiment of the Army, as well as the Special Boat Squadron of the Navy were developed to deal with the increasing military challenge posed by the LTTE in the North and East. However, in addition to its battles with the military, the LTTE also frequently carried out attacks against civilians in the rest of the country. Large bombings took place in public locations in Colombo, killing thousands. Hundreds more were massacred in vulnerable villages near LTTE dominated territory. Critical installations and economic targets such as the International Airport, Central Bank and the Kolonnawa Oil Refinery were also ruthlessly attacked. In order to contain this very serious threat to national security, precautionary measures had to be greatly increased throughout the country. This led to the visible presence of soldiers on the streets, the widespread use of checkpoints, frequent cordon and search operations, and the constant upholding of the Emergency Regulations, which gave wide-ranging powers to the military and law enforcement agencies. The entire country was effectively on a war footing.
In 2002, the next major development in the conflict was the signing of the Ceasefire Agreement with the LTTE under mediation of Norway. This event can also be viewed as the next major phase in the internationalisation of Sri Lankan affairs as a result of the conflict. The Peace Process that was entered into by the Government of the time was facilitated by Norway, with the support of the representatives of major donor countries, namely the European Union, the United States of America and Japan. Together with Norway, they comprised the four Co-Chairs of the Sri Lankan Peace Process. A Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission was also established, comprising members from Nordic countries, to supervise the implementation of the Ceasefire Agreement. Despite their presence, the LTTE continued to create instability in the country; assassinating its key opponents including Hon. Lakshman Kadirgamar, the Sri Lankan Foreign Minister, and carrying out occasional attacks against civilians.
 
In 2006, increasing provocations by the LTTE culminated in its threatening of a humanitarian crisis by closing the vital Maavilaru Sluice Gate. This was a crisis that affected the right to water of thousands of households, and even affected national food security by preventing the flow of water to many thousands of acres of agricultural land. The Government intervened with a limited operation to reopen the sluice gate, but was met with large-scale attacks by the LTTE on several fronts. This led to the widening of the military campaign into the Humanitarian Operation that ultimately freed Sri Lanka from terrorism.
 
The Humanitarian Operation required significant strengthening of the military to enable its success. During the ceasefire period, the LTTE had managed to strengthen its offensive capabilities significantly. It had approximately 30,000 cadres in its ranks and a vast arsenal of weapons and equipment that included heavy artillery, mortar, missiles, rocket propelled grenades, and light aircraft. Combating such an enemy that employed guerrilla tactics required the Sri Lankan Armed Forces to grow significantly. Between the end of 2005 and the end of 2009, the number of Army personnel grew from 120,000 to over 200,000; its 9 Divisions were increased to 20; its 44 Brigades expanded to 71; and its 149 Battalions increased to 284. The Navy and the Air Force were also expanded significantly, and given tasks beyond their classic role. The upholding of security throughout the country also required the Police and Special Task Force to be strengthened, and the Civil Defence Force was revamped and significantly expanded.
 
Because of the internationalisation of the Sri Lankan situation during the previous decades, there was a great deal of foreign scrutiny on the progress of the Humanitarian Operation. By keeping the Indian leaders constantly informed about what was happening on ground, and by skilfully managing our relationships with other nations, it was possible for the war effort to continue unimpeded. Nevertheless, towards the end of the war in 2009, the Foreign Ministers of France and the United Kingdom arrived in Sri Lanka and attempted to intervene in the military campaign, although they did not succeed. Efforts by such parties to end the Humanitarian Operation reflect the tremendous influence that the LTTE's international network had on foreign capitals. Many in the international community wilfully ignored the fact that the Government of Sri Lanka was duty-bound to protect its citizens from the aggression of the LTTE terrorists. Even after the war ended and peace dawned in 2009, this bias against the Government led to Sri Lanka being taken up at the United Nations Human Rights Council. Although the initial Resolution against Sri Lanka was defeated that year, two more were sponsored by the United States in 2012 and 2013, and successfully passed.
 
Today, Sri Lanka is a country enjoying the full benefits of peace, and it is engaged in a concerted push to accelerate its economic development and bring prosperity to its citizens. The country has much to catch up on. Three decades of conflict lost us countless opportunities for growth: foreign and local investment suffered due to fears about the war; tourists did not visit the country, and many of our best and brightest went overseas to build better futures for themselves. Countries such as Singapore, which were in a similar economic position to Sri Lanka when we reached Independence in 1948, developed at a tremendous rate during this period. This is because they did not have a major conflict to contend with. Sri Lanka's prospects on the other hand were greatly curtailed as a result of the war. This is why the biggest responsibility of the Government of Sri Lanka even today, in the post war situation, is to ensure the continued security of the country. Without security and stability, there will be no economic development. The maintenance of National Security is therefore of the utmost importance.
 
The National Security of Sri Lanka needs to be addressed in context of the history of this country and the realities of its present situation, and most critically from the perspective of several responsibilities of the state. The state must ensure that the Sovereignty and Territorial Integrity of the nation is maintained, and that there are no threats to the safety of our population. Ensuring economic growth so that the people of the country can uplift their standard of living is also critical in order to prevent internal problems recurring in the future. Creating a favourable environment for Sri Lanka internationally is similarly of the utmost importance in keeping adverse external influence at bay. Securing the safety of our physical assets and safeguarding the nation's democracy are also critical. Considering this overall context, it is clear that National Security must be understood within a unified, single framework that integrates the nation's Defence, Law and Order, Foreign Policy and Economic Policy. These four areas need to come together in the creation of a comprehensive National Security Strategy. This is essential if Sri Lanka is to consolidate its present peace and stability and fulfil its potential.
 
Present National Security Concerns
 
There are several potential threats in today's context that Sri Lanka needs to be concerned about. These include:
  • The possible re-emergence of terrorism
  • The emergence of other extremist groups
  • The creation of ethnic divisions and communal violence
  • The challenges of maritime security and border control
  • The growth of organised crime
  • Foreign interference in domestic affairs
  • Non-traditional threats through technology driven new media, including social media.

In discussing terrorism, it is first of all important to appreciate the sheer scale of the problem that the Government of Sri Lanka was confronted with as a result of the LTTE over the past three decades. Since the 1970s, the LTTE grew from a small organisation of armed individuals to a large, sophisticated terrorist outfit with very advanced combat capabilities. At its height, the LTTE had more than 30,000 battle-hardened cadres; access to large stockpiles of modern armaments, ammunition and equipment; a sophisticated naval wing and a fledgling air wing. For a considerable period of the conflict, the LTTE was able to maintain the illusion of a functional state apparatus in the territories it dominated. It also had significant influence in foreign capitals as a result of its extensive international network. Defeating the LTTE required a concerted effort on the part of the Sri Lankan Government. As a result of the unwavering leadership of His Excellency the President Mahinda Rajapaksa, this task was achieved in May of 2009.
 
In the immediate aftermath of the war, there were a number of issues that needed to be dealt with. First was the problem of nearly 300,000 internally displaced people who had been used as the LTTE's human shield during the last phases of the war. Then there was the need to demine the North and East so that those areas would be safe for human habitation. This resulted in the recovery of hundreds of thousands of mines and improvised explosive devices laid by the LTTE during its retreat. Infrastructure development and reconstruction of those areas after years of neglect under the LTTE's dominance was another significant issue that had to be dealt with, after which it was possible to resettle the IDPs in their places of origin. One of the most important issues was dealing with the nearly twelve thousand surrendered LTTE cadres and four thousand detained cadres. The Government took the bold step of rehabilitating nearly all of them so that they could become productive citizens in future. The vast majority of them have already been reintegrated with society.
Amongst other post war achievements has been the disarming of other armed groups that used to operate in the North and East, and the encouragement these groups have been given to contribute to society through democratic processes. The restrictions that used to be in force on movement, fishing, high security zones etc., have all been removed. Democracy has been completely restored, with free and fair elections taking place. Economic growth in the North and East has been truly remarkable in the recent past, and it is clear beyond doubt that normalcy has been restored to the people.
Despite all of these very positive developments, however, the threat of terrorism re-emerging still persists. One of the main reasons for the LTTE's success during its heyday was its extensive international network, which has been in operation for many decades. Following the ambush and massacre of 13 soldiers in the North by the LTTE in 1983, there was a major communal backlash against the Tamils in the rest of the country. As a result of the July 1983 riots, a large number of Tamil people left Sri Lanka and travelled to countries such as Canada, the United Kingdom, Malaysia and parts of Europe. These countries granted asylum to these immigrants, and later granted them citizenship. As such, there is a large population of immigrant Sri Lankan Tamils in other countries. A small minority of this population supports the LTTE even to this day. Extremist elements within this community, together with LTTE agents and operatives, including trained terrorists who fled Sri Lanka at various times during the war, comprise the LTTE's international network.
 
After the demise of Prabhakaran, the LTTE's former procurement chief Kumaran Pathmanadan, better known as KP, took control over this network and indicated that it would continue to work for the separatist cause through peaceful means. However, a breakaway faction emerged almost immediately, led by Nediyawan, who wanted to continue Prabhakaran's ideology of violence. Nediyawan's group, was previously known as The Tamil Eelam People's Assembly or the Tamil National Council and is now known as the Tamil Coordinating Committee, Based in Norway, this group has been working with other international groups to promote the LTTE's separatist cause in many parts of the world. The Tamil Coordinating Committee has control over most of the assets of the LTTE's international organisation, including its media networks such as Tamil Net.
Following the arrest of KP in August 2009, Rudrakumaran took over the leadership of the main network and began working towards establishing a "Government in Exile". This group now fashions itself as The Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam. In the guise of fighting for Tamil rights, its primary objective is to lobby foreign Governments for the establishment of a separate state in the North and East of Sri Lanka. The so-called "Transnational Government" has about twenty "Ministers" and "Deputy Ministers", and was formed with assistance of an advisory committee comprising prominent pro LTTE activists, including foreigners who have been helping the LTTE for many years. There has recently been a revolt within the TGTE, where one third of its members loyal to Nediyawan, went against the leadership of Rudrakumaran because they wished to engage in more radical action.
 
Another prominent LTTE-linked group emerged out of the British Tamils Association, which was active since 2001 in supporting the terrorism of the LTTE in Sri Lanka. In 2006, the leader of the BTA, Arunachalam Krishanthakumar, alias Shanthan, was investigated on suspicion of supporting terrorist activities. As a result of these suspicions about the BTA, the British Tamils Forum was formed in 2006 to carry on the same activities in a new guise. The BTF acted as an umbrella organisation that mustered support from the immigrant Tamil community and local British politicians for dividing Sri Lanka. With Shanthan's arrest by British authorities in June 2007 for providing material support to terrorism and his conviction in April 2009, as well as the defeat of the LTTE in May 2009, the role played by the BTF needed to be changed to suit the post-war environment.
As a result of this, the Global Tamils Forum emerged in February 2010, with many of the same members as the BTF. The head of the GTF is the so-called Father Emmanuel, a Priest who was once hailed by Prabhakaran as "a freedom fighter who has given leadership to a movement committed to setting up the homeland to Tamil Eelam". Father Emmanuel has been engaged in a propaganda campaign against Sri Lanka for many years, targeting Tamil expatriates, Foreign Governments and International Organisations. He is known to have visited LTTE strongholds in Sri Lanka in mid-2000 to conduct training for selected youth who were earmarked to take up overseas appointments for fundraising and propaganda for the LTTE.
 
Under Father Emmanuel's guidance, the GTF has successfully influenced a number of politicians from various political parties in European countries as well as the United States, Australia, Canada, and India to support the separatist cause. In addition, the GTF has courted officials within international organisations such as the United Nations, the European Union and various international non-governmental organisations to obtain their support. Part of the success of the GTF in these activities can be attributed to the involvement of influential pro-LTTE foreigners in it. These include Mrs. Joan Ryan, a former British Parliamentarian who has become the Head of the GTF's Secretariat.
Yet another group that is active internationally in supporting the separatist cause is the LTTE Headquarter Group, which is based in France and headed by Vinayagam, a senior intelligence cadre who managed to escape during the final stages of the war in Sri Lanka. This is a group that is known to engage in Human Smuggling, with some of its past operations including the sending of the "Sun Sea" and "Ocean Lady" vessels from South East Asia to Canada in 2009 and 2010. The members of this group generally maintain a low profile and their movements are kept to a minimum as most of them have been issued Red Notices by Interpol for their involvement in criminal activities. They also keep their distance from both Nediyawan's and Rudrakumaran's groups, but maintain links with the GTF.
 
All of the LTTE-linked groups are coordinated by the GTF and united by one overarching objective. Their unwavering intent is the division of Sri Lanka and the establishment of a separate state for Tamil Eelam. There are several strategies through which they will try to achieve their objective. These include:
 
The winning of international opinion for the separatist cause,
  • Increasing international pressure on Sri Lanka in various areas; including pushing for international investigations into war crimes and claims of genocide, and by encouraging international monitoring of the national reconciliation process,
  • Undermining all efforts of the democratically elected Government of Sri Lanka to create a better future for its citizens through reconciliation and economic development, and
  • Continuing to push for the resumption of conflict through reorganizing local pro-LTTE elements within Sri Lanka.

Some of the efforts of these LTTE-linked groups have been successful to a certain extent in that despite the war having ended four years ago, the internal affairs of Sri Lanka have been kept at the forefront of the UNHRC's Sessions as well as at the top of the agenda of several prominent international NGOs even in the recent past. It has to be noted that many of those who create this pressure by claiming to be human rights activists and victims of state repression are actually trained LTTE cadres and operatives who are now fully engaged in propaganda activities. It is very important to understand that their attempts to put pressure on the Government through international bodies such as the UNHRC and non state actors such as international NGOs is designed to strengthen those who work against Sri Lanka's interests.
 
In this context it is important to realise that there are groups even within the democratic mainstream in Sri Lanka that obtain funding from the LTTE's international network and pro-LTTE elements overseas, which more or less openly talk about achieving the very same objectives that the LTTE had. Though they appear to have a democratic face, their actions and remarks clearly show that the extremist separatist ideology has not yet disappeared. Their ultimate objective is achieving the division of Sri Lanka. As a result of their actions and statements, it is very much a possibility that certain radical elements will feel empowered to once again attempt to take up arms in the name of separation. This is a major National Security threat that needs to be taken with the utmost seriousness.
 
In addition to the threat of terrorism, Sri Lanka also faces a potential threat from other extremist groups. These are the remnants of the radical groups that were involved in previous insurgencies. Some of these groups are trying to reorganise within Sri Lanka and mobilise people to once again take up their extreme left wing causes. There is information that some of these groups have started to link up with the LTTE-linked groups to create further problems in Sri Lanka. Some of their activities include radicalising students and encouraging them to take to the streets in various protests. Though such activities are still in their early stages, they pose another serious National Security concern that we need to be vigilant of.
 
Another growing concern in the post-war environment is the increasing communalism amongst ethnic groups, which if left unaddressed, could result in the rise of ethnic tensions in the future. During the period of the war, it was not only the Sinhalese and Tamil communities that were affected by the terrorist separatism of the LTTE, but also the Muslims. After the LTTE started engaging in ethnic cleansing in the North in the early 1980s, it expelled the Sinhalese community from Jaffna and soon after turned its attention to the Muslims. Several massacres were carried out at Mosques in the East, and in October 1990, the LTTE expelled more than 75,000 Muslim residents from the North. This was followed by further brutal attacks on Muslims in vulnerable villages near the territory dominated by the LTTE. In this environment, the Muslims also started to organise themselves for their own protection against the LTTE. After the LTTE's defeat, some of these groups have begun to engage in activities that stem far beyond self-protection. There is some information that some of these groups have even tried to link up with the global Islamic terrorist movement. This is a situation that requires careful monitoring.
 
On a broader scale, it also has to be acknowledged that one of the consequences of the terrorist conflict Sri Lanka endured for thirty years has been the increased insularity of ethnic groups. Rather than identifying themselves on the basis of nationality, the communities of Sri Lanka have begun to identify themselves on the basis of their ethnicity or their religion. Instead of calling themselves Sri Lankan, they identify themselves as Sinhalese or Tamils or Muslims or Buddhists or Christians. This fragmentation of the Sri Lankan identity is most unfortunate, because activists within these communal groups seek minority rights or ethnic rights rather than working within the framework of a common national identity.
 
The cross-border links that can arise as a result of such insular ethnic or religious identification is also very troublesome. It is clear that there are some in the Tamil community who identify themselves more with the Tamil community of Tamil Nadu than with their fellow Sri Lankans. This has been encouraged by some parties overseas who wish to promote the idea of a greater Tamil Nation. Similarly, it has been observed that there are some foreign groups that wish to encourage Sri Lankan Muslims to identify themselves more with the global Muslim community, thereby reducing their integration within Sri Lanka. This trend has been particularly prevalent in the post September 11 world, in which there has been a tendency among certain groups to try and influence the global Muslim community towards religious extremism has become visible.
 
The increasing insularity and cohesion amongst minority ethnic groups has also led to the emergence of hard line groups from the majority community: the popularity of certain political groups and movements can be viewed as being largely a response to this trend. In turn, the emergence of hard line groups in the majority community causes further tensions amongst other communities, which leads to a vicious cycle of greater fragmentation of the Sri Lankan identity. Sri Lanka had enough divisions in the past that ultimately led to conflict; we must learn the lessons from our past and ensure that history is not repeated. This is therefore a very serious National Security concern at the present moment.
 
The maintenance of maritime security is another serious National Security Concern that the Government needs to be vigilant about. As an island, Sri Lanka does not have land borders to worry about, but maintaining maritime security is a serious challenge. In the past, the only maritime security issues that had to be dealt with was the illegal movement of Indians into Sri Lanka and the smuggling that took place between Sri Lanka and South India. Preventing these threats was one of the foremost duties of the military in the 1950s and the 1960s. However, with the development of the LTTE and other terrorist groups in the 1970s and beyond, maritime security became a major concern to Sri Lanka.
 
For example, it is a well-known fact that the LTTE acquired a vast arsenal of weapons and equipment including artillery, missiles, mortars, armoured vehicles and even light aircraft. None of these items were produced in Sri Lanka, but were brought into Sri Lanka through the sea. In addition to military supplies, the LTTE's cadres were initially trained at bases in Tamil Nadu. Given the recent activities of LTTE-linked organisations outside Sri Lanka and particularly in Tamil Nadu, this is very much a current threat even today.
 
The organised trafficking of persons or human smuggling is another significant maritime security issue. Organised groups, some of which are connected to LTTE-linked organisations, have lured many people seeking better economic prospects into this lucrative illegal operation. During this year alone, more than 440 such people have attempted to leave Sri Lanka illegally. Having sold their properties and handed over all their wealth to the operators of these schemes, the victims of human trafficking find themselves trapped on board unsafe vessels along with hundreds of others, travelling to countries that will most often refuse them entry. In order to make a compelling case for their acceptance by border control authorities abroad, such economic refugees often concoct stories about being persecuted in Sri Lanka, thereby damaging the country's reputation. Furthermore, the mechanisms of human trafficking have enabled trained terrorists to escape justice in Sri Lanka and flee abroad to safe havens, from which they may once again attempt to cause problems to the country through other means.
 
A further consideration with regard to maritime security is the protection of our maritime assets. One of the problems Sri Lanka has faced in the maritime domain after the defeat of the LTTE has been the increasing incidence of pirate fishing in Sri Lankan waters by South Indian fishermen. These fishermen use illegal practices such as bottom trawling to maximise their catch. This causes serious damage to the healthy fish stocks in Sri Lankan waters, and also adversely affects the livelihoods of our own fishermen. These fishing boats that enter Sri Lankan waters illegally have also been known to engage in other criminal activities including drug smuggling. Protecting our waters from these fishermen, as well as from others who might seek to exploit our other oceanic resources including oil and gas, will be one of the key maritime security challenges for Sri Lanka in the future.
 
Somewhat farther afield, the threat of international piracy is also a concern for Sri Lanka's maritime security. Many of the world's most important Sea Lanes of Communications are located in close proximity to Sri Lanka, and both the newly built Hambantota Port as well as the Colombo port are ideally situated to service the hundreds of vessels that cross these lanes on a daily basis. The reach and sophistication of the pirates originating mostly from East Africa has been increasing in recent years. This factor undermines the security of these Sea Lanes and could pose a serious problem to shipping in the region in the future. This will have an impact on the country's economic security as well, and is therefore another challenge that needs to be monitored.
 
With regard to border security, one of the concerns Sri Lanka has is the possibility of the country being used as a transit point for transnational crime. The arrest of certain elements connected with extremist regional terrorist groups in India and Pakistan have shown that they have used Sri Lanka as a transit point from which to coordinate their activities. Some who are known to have been temporarily sheltered in Sri Lanka by an International Organisation after claiming refugee status in the west, are known criminals who engaged in illegal activities such as credit card fraud, drug smuggling and counterfeit currency printing abroad.
 
Organised crime in Sri Lanka is another issue that needs to be addressed. As a result of the rise of terrorism and the insurrections Sri Lanka experienced over the last forty years, and the response required from the state, a considerable amount of arms and ammunition inadvertently fell into the hands of criminals. This led to the rise of the underworld, which is now engaged in a number of organised criminal activities including drugs, armed robberies, kidnappings for ransom and financial frauds. There are also groups that engage in seizing land illegally. Tackling the challenges posed by organised criminal groups is another priority for the state.
 
In today's environment, the possibility of foreign interference in our internal affairs remains a significant National Security concern. With the involvement of countries like India, Norway, and the United States of America in Sri Lanka as a result of the terrorist conflict, matters relating to this country's internal affairs have gained increased visibility within the international community. India in particular is very sensitive to what is going on in Sri Lanka because of the large Tamil population in its influential southern state of Tamil Nadu. Especially during the elections cycle, Sri Lanka figures large in its power politics. In the recent past, we have seen even the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu attempting to pressurise the central government into opposing Sri Lanka internationally. This is a serious threat to Sri Lanka's security, and perhaps even its sovereignty.
 
Furthermore, as a result of the rapid economic and military development of countries like India and China in recent decades, the entire Asian region has become increasingly important in global affairs. Because of Sri Lanka's important geostrategic position within the Indian Ocean region, a great deal of attention is therefore placed upon it in the present era. There is a possibility that some western powers wish to have a Sri Lankan Government that is closely aligned with their interests, and will seek to influence Sri Lanka's destiny so that it cannot pursue the independent course it is following at present.
 
A third factor that has led to Sri Lanka's increasing importance in the international arena involves regional power politics. The issues between India and Pakistan, and the issues between India and China are particularly sensitive in this regard. With the rise of China as a world economic leader, there is a widespread belief that India feels insecure and is seeking to align itself with the other powers that seem similarly threatened by China's ascendancy. The likelihood of the United States showing more interest in the region and aligning more with India is a factor that may affect Sri Lanka. Further, its establishment of a base in the Maldives is also changing the complexion of the region. These are developments that need to be monitored from the point of view of Sri Lanka's national security.
 
The final threat to Sri Lanka's National Security that I will highlight during this lecture is the emergence of technology driven new media including social media sites such as Facebook, Twitter and other websites on the Internet. We have seen the potential of this new media to destabilise nations and affect serious change in the case of countries like Tunisia, Libya, Egypt etc. Although the likelihood of events such as the Arab spring transpiring in Sri Lanka is minimal as a result of it being a democratic nation with an extremely popular political leadership that enjoys a very large electoral majority, this is yet another threat that needs to be monitored. Particularly due to increasing Internet penetration and computer literacy in Sri Lanka, many of our youth are familiar with social media and use it as a tool to gather information as well as propagate ideas. Those with vested interests can exploit social media to cause problems in Sri Lanka by propagating certain ideologies online and mobilising and organising people. This can be done with a minimal physical presence, and therefore forms a threat that is difficult to contain through the traditional tools of national defence.
National Security Response
 
Considering the foregoing threat assessment, it is clear that despite Sri Lanka being in a post-war situation in which most people are only concerned about economic development, National Security remains very much a core concern for the Government. In addressing the challenges discussed above and developing a comprehensive National Security Strategy, it is important for the Government to take a holistic view and incorporate many of its elements into a single policy framework.
In terms of internal security, the best response to most of the threats that we face is the development of the Intelligence Services. Sri Lanka has two primary intelligence arms: the State Intelligence Service and the Defence Intelligence, which comprises the Directorate of Military Intelligence, Directorate of Naval Intelligence, and Air Intelligence. In addition, the Police maintains the Special Branch, while the Special Task Force also has its own Intelligence Division. Furthermore, the Terrorist Investigation Department and Criminal Investigation Department of the Police also work closely with the other Intelligence agencies on matters relating to National Security.
 
In the past, the lack of strength and coordination amongst these various intelligence services used to be a serious issue. It is essential that they work together under a unified command structure in order to improve coordination and enhance capabilities. Towards this effect, one of the efforts undertaken by the present Government has been to bring these intelligence services under the Chief of National Intelligence, who reports directly to the Secretary to the Ministry of Defence. This has streamlined coordination and improved cooperation amongst the intelligence agencies.
Another important development in this regard has been the augmenting of resources allocated for the Intelligence function. After the war, the number of military intelligence units have been increased and each Security Force Head quarters now has its own Intelligence Unit. The Intelligence personnel are being afforded more and more training in order to enhance their capabilities and capacities, and as Sri Lanka moves forward, it is hoped that the Intelligence agencies will be able to keep track of and contain domestic National Security concerns.
 
Furthermore, although the requirement for offensive military operations no longer exists in Sri Lanka, it is of the utmost importance that our security measures are not relaxed. Although the military is not engaged in law enforcement activities, and although their visible presence has been greatly reduced, it is essential for the military to be placed in strategic locations throughout Sri Lanka. Particularly in the North and East, where we know that there are still potential threats to National Security, it is essential to have a significant though unobtrusive military presence. Some recent efforts of international elements to reorganise pro-LTTE elements in the North underscores the need for this. For example, the recent arrest of some youth in Jaffna and Chennai who had been recruited by a Chennai based LTTE-linked group funded by the LTTE's Europe based network, shows the utmost need to remain vigilant in this regard.
 
It must also be underscored that as a Sovereign nation, Sri Lanka has every right to place its security elements in any part of the country it so chooses. While some in the international community talk about the so-called militarisation of the North and East, and some political parties in Sri Lanka decry the presence of the military in these areas, it must also be understood that the people of the North and East mostly have a very cordial relationship with the military. Since the end of the war, the military has been involved in a great deal of reconstruction work, and they have also supported the people of the area to resume their livelihoods. They have provided equipment and material for agriculture, fishing and various types of assistance for small business development. The increased attention given to Civic-Military affairs also helps National Security because it helps the Armed Forces to win the hearts and minds of the people in the former conflict areas.
 
With regard to the work of the Defence services in the post-war environment, it is also essential to expand the responsibilities of the Navy and the Coast Guard. The protection of Sri Lanka's maritime borders is of the utmost importance, and there is a great deal of responsibility on these two institutions to safeguard our seas. The Exclusive Economic Zone Sri Lanka enjoys needs to be protected, as it is a vital economic asset. The Navy needs to get more naval assets so that it has the ability to patrol or dominate the blue seas. It is also important to improve the Navy's surveillance capabilities through augmenting its Radars and adding a new air surveillance capability. The Air Force, too, needs to improve it capabilities with regard to surveillance operations.
 
Another aspect of internal security that needs to be mentioned is the rectification of weaknesses that we used to have with regard to the national identity system. Because it was a manual, paper-based system, criminal and terrorist elements could very easily obtain forged identity cards. This enabled the terrorists to operate throughout Sri Lanka under various names and aliases; this is why the threat of suicide bombings and other attacks in the rest of Sri Lanka was such a pressing problem during the period of the war. To address this critical weakness, the Registrar of Persons Department was brought under the Ministry of Defence & Urban Development, and a new identity card system that uses biometric information will be introduced shortly. Similarly, the problem of people coming into Sri Lanka and staying here illegally under false pretences will be addressed through the introduction of a proper border control system in which biometric information will be incorporated into the passport and international standards used for identity verification.
 
From the point of view of domestic security, perhaps the most critical aspect will be the achievement of national reconciliation and the forging of a common Sri Lankan identity. Economic development is an absolute necessity in this regard. The fact remains that unless people enjoy a reasonable standard of living, peace and reconciliation are very difficult to achieve. This is why the Government has spared no expense or effort to develop infrastructure and build up the North and East to a high standard. This will enable the benefits of peace to flow down to the people of those areas. When people know that they have the opportunity to achieve a better future for themselves, it is highly unlikely that they will waste their time on violent ideologies. The achievement of economic development and national reconciliation are therefore two of the key areas of focus of the Government in the present national context.
 
Finally, with regard to external threats, it is of the utmost importance that Sri Lanka maintains cordial relationships with its allies. Despite the present pressure from Tamil Nadu, it is essential to maintain a strong and healthy relationship with India. Relations with the many countries that helped us in the past, both in economic terms and through political support, should be strengthened further through skilful diplomacy and further development of mutual ties. It essential to further strengthen the existing cordial relationships with powerful nations such as China and Russia, which have permanent seats on the United Nations Security Council and can influence any international action on Sri Lanka more significantly than other nations. In this overall context, it is very important that the foreign policy of Sri Lanka needs to be realistic. It is essential for Sri Lanka to have close ties with certain powerful nations in the international community in order to safeguard its National Security interests.
During the course of this lecture I have outlined the overall context of Sri Lanka's National Security concerns; identified our most pressing threats and discussed the broad outlines of the Government's strategy to deal with all these issues. Ultimately, the best way to ensure that Sri Lanka remains safe and strong in the future is for all of us to put aside the differences of the past; unite as Sri Lankans, and work towards a better future for ourselves and for each other.
 
Thank you.
 
 
Quoted from defence.lk

Friday, May 3, 2013

Girding her loins for Geneva Naveen Pillai gets knickers in a twist

GENEVA:

Naveen Pillai naive or nonsensical?

United Nations Human Rights Commissioner Naveen Pillai girding her loins to resume her failed witch-hunt against Sri Lanka at the Geneva Council sessions in March last year, this time, too, has in a manner of speaking --’got her knickers in a twist’. Sri Lanka has categorically stated that it totally rejects resolutions which violate the sovereignty of this country. Article 2 of the United Nations Charter enjoins every member nation to refrain from threatening or using force to undermine the territorial integrity or territorial independence of any other member essentially which are the domestic jurisdiction of any state, or require the members to submit such matters to settlement under the present charter.
United Nations Human Rights Commissioner Naveen Pillai
The government has said, and very rightly so, that it will summarily reject any Resolution against this country as it has fulfilled the requirements of the UN as a member country.
Last Thursday night, I was watching the well known CNN presenter Christaine Amanpour interviewing Russian President Vladimir Putin’s, spokesman when she said that the latest impediments to President Obama visiting Russia were the ban on Child Adoption by Americans and the protests against the Russian government. To which the Russian replied that both these were domestic matters. This was clearly a reference to Article 2 of the UN Charter, which prohibits other member countries intervening in the domestic matters of another member.

Western countries

Naveen Pillai has consistently tried to poke her stodgy fingers into the domestic affairs of Sri Lanka in direct violation of the UN Charter, although she as Human Rights Commissioner is a paid employee of the UN. Pillai must be sacked from her post for over stepping her mandate. Israel, too, has shoed off the Human Rights? Council. The irony of it is that the US which proposed the motion against Sri Lanka in March 2012, has blocked all Human Rights Resolutions against Israel. O Tempore O Mores!
Israel Prime Minister Natanyahu has such contempt for Naveen Pillai and the UN Human Rights Council that he has described it as a ‘hypocritical body’ and said any UN fact finding team will be barred from entering Israel. The usually garrulous Human Rights Commissioner has been rendered impotent. No sound, no fury as in the case of Sri Lanka, but only silence.
While Naveen Pillai had the brass to warn Sri Lanka not to intimidate citizens who lobbied for the American motion against Sri Lanka last year. If she seeks to protect blood sucking NGOs representing Western countries and their ilk, well fed and well funded, making millions of dollars by selling their country and their souls. Undoubtedly, there is a special place in Hell reserved for these Judases. These made merry during the 30 years of LTTE terrorism styling Prabhakaran and his gangs of murdering, marauding, ruthless criminals who even committed horrendous acts of genocide of Sinhalese, and Muslims - men, women and children, as ‘Freedom Fighters’.
I have seen the bodies of women and infants slaughtered by the LTTE terrorists, while suckling their mothers’ breasts. And the West including media and their hireling NGOs call these terrorist brutes ‘Freedom Fighters’. Freedom fighters, my foot!
And what were Naveen Pillai and the UNHCR doing to end this naked inhuman terrorism? Sweet nothing.
A US assassination drone. File photo
The head of the Human Rights Council Naveen Pillai who bares her fangs at the drop of a hat when it comes to Sri Lanka, is a toothless tiger when it comes to Human Rights violations committed by Western countries, or those backed by them. A case in point is Israel, where all Resolutions of Human Rights violations against it, were blocked by the US and the ‘high fallutin’ Human Rights Commissioner was silent as a mouse.

Drone massacres

When it comes to dealing with big and powerful states Bully Girl Pillai is as quiet and silent, impotent..Or else she will undoubtedly lose her job. So, she confines herself to hunting with the big Western bullies as they hound the small states. Truth is the most powerful weapon. And Sri Lanka has the truth on her side. Remember how the brave and courageous David felled the giant Goliath?
What does Naveen Pillai have to say about the racial discrimination in Britain in France?
The thousands of civilians killed by the Coaltion Forces in Afgahnistan led by the US. The Drone massacres.

Political agendas

One hundred and ninety two Iraqi civilians have filed action in the British High Court for alleged mistreatment by British Forces based in Iraq. These allegations include abuse and torture of the level of the infamous US run Abu Gharib jail. The prosecutor appearing for them has called for an independent judge led Inquiry into the conduct of British Forces in Iraq during the period March 2003 to December 2008. In 2012, the Court of Appeal ruled that the body set up by the British Ministry of Defence to investigate allegations of mistreatment by British troops. The Iraq Historic Allegations Team (IHAT), lacked “the requisite independence” and ministers had failed comply with obligations under human rights legislation.
President Mahinda Rajapaksa pulled no punches when in a stirring Independence Day Address, he emphasised the fact Sri Lanka was a sovereign State which would brook no interference from countries trying to poke their fingers into our affairs to fulfill their insidious political agendas.
The West was firmly told that Sri Lanka respects and adheres to the United Nations Charter which stipulates the upholding of the principle of the sovereign equality of all its members. Fellow member States must respect its sovereignty as a member State. Nothing contained in the Charter authorized the UN to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any State or shall require the Members to submit such matters to settlement under the present Charter.
Abu Gharib prison in Iraq. File photo
Article 2 of the UN Charter states that the United Nations Organisation is based on the sovereign equality of all is members. All members in their international relations shall refrain, in their relations, from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State or any other manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations.
Ever since this country gained Independence these bully boys from the West have treated Sri Lanka as their political backyard, an operational base for their regional and international machinations.
If we do not cow down to them and act according to their dictates, the US, Britain and France threaten us with sanctions such as the recent European Union threat to boycott our garment exports. They secretly fund and engineer strikes, student agitation and other anti national activity to weaken the government and cause its downfall.
The government has extended an invitation to UN Human Rights Commissioner Pillai to visit Sri Lanka and apprise herself of the true situation in this country, instead of basing her decisions and views on unreliable two bit NGO pied piper reports tailored to meet the insidious agendas of the Western countries, hell bent on destabilising the lawfully elected government of Sri Lanka and installing one which will carry out their dictates.

Cheers!

Tuesday, January 22, 2013

Shocking Independent Proof of Rising Islamic Extremism in Sri Lanka


It is no secret to anyone with eyes and ears that Islamic extremism is spreading in the island of Sri Lanka like wildfire. Over the past 10 years the number of mosques and other Islamic religious places has more than doubled. When Islamic extremists forced ‘Halal’ on the entire population, the nation succumbed to it helplessly. Only 9.2% of Sri Lanka’s population is Muslims and the Malay population just about 1%. In 2009 a violent mosque attack in Beruwala occurred. It is a stark reminder of the fate that awaits those who don’t comply with Islamic fundamentalism in this island. These are classic cases of extremism taking an upper hand over a civilised democratic society. This pattern is all too common in other countries.

The following are independent accounts of the growing Islamic extremist threat from various sources. Although new to the external espionage agencies concerned, this information hardly surprises any Sri Lankan. It is everybody’s knowledge. For instance the information in the US Embassy cable is all too well known to almost all Sri Lankans, paragraph to paragraph. Proof of this information and the probability of specifics will also be analysed here.

A word of caution is needed in any similar analysis. Since it deals with the most widespread terrorist operation in the world, extreme care must be taken not to arouse, instigate or indirectly support these violent movements. A carefully drawn out mostly peaceful strategy is needed to counter this threat. Military action must be well coordinated at a global and regional scale.

What the US Embassy Unearthed

The US Embassy has unearthed what is commonly known to all Sri Lankans. Please read Annexure-1 below. Alternatively readers can read the original by going to http://wikileaks.org/cable/2003/10/03COLOMBO1810.html.

However, it indicates a shocking development or a number of them. The US Embassy has been and possibly still is conducting espionage operations in Sri Lanka on many matters using its “contacts” and “sources”. On this matter USA and Sri Lankan interests match. There are many other instances where divergent interests are at play. Another shocking indication is that the Islamic threat has reached such a highpoint in Sri Lanka that USA dedicated considerable amount of resources to identify and tackle it.

Who Feels the Threat First?

First receptors of the rise of Islamic extremist violence are the moderate Muslims. They become the first victims of extremists. This can be seen in Sri Lanka very well in political, economic, cultural, religious and security aspects. In 1987, Muslims’ political conduct changed for the worse. In the lines of Tamil mono-ethnic and racist political parties, a group of Muslims funded by wealthy Middle Eastern Wahabis, formed in to SLMC. Their excuse was LTTE violence against Muslims in the north and the east. However, it is not true. By 1987, the LTTE honeymoon with Palestinian terrorists was not over. LTTE fell out with Muslims only in 1990 Black August when all Muslims were chased out of Jaffna and attacks were launched against Muslims in the East. Another development was taking place in the east during this time. Islamic extremist terrorists were pumping millions if not billions of dollars to the East. Cases in point are at least two whole new Muslim only villages by the names Saddam Hussein Town and Muammar Gadhafi Town constructed with the money of these two notorious terrorists. Therefore the excuse for the formation of the SLMC is not valid. Their real intention is to expand Islamic fundamentalism.

Economically, moderate Muslims have become mere vagrants compared to the billions radicals have at their disposal. Two radical Muslim groups build mosques in competition while moderate Muslims have no other option than join them. While moderate Muslims for hundreds of years thrived in Sri Lanka without any Sharia law, ‘halal’ foods and loudspeakers, radicals have stumped them calling them betrayals of the original teaching. Since resistance is highly dangerous (as can be seen from the Beruwala attack) and considered treacherous, moderates have now joined the radicals. This explains the motivation of the Muslim source of information to the US embassy.

After the ceasefire agreement (CFA) with the LTTE, Muslims were thrown into the hands of Tamil brutality. It is true Tamil nationalists killed and displaced Muslims from 2002 to 2009. It is also true Muslims organised into ‘Jihad’ groups during this time. But the two developments had nothing to do with each other. There is not a single instance of any Islamic group attacking the LTTE or resisting any LTTE move. The real reason is connected to the global war on terror launched in 2001. Islamic terrorists actively looked for safe havens when the war started. Sri Lanka was at war till 2001 but following the ceasefire agreement (CFA) with the LTTE relative peace returned. It was a perfect oasis for Islamic radicals in the midst of a global war on them. They were safe in peaceful Sri Lanka where people were disgruntled of war by then.

http://archives.dawn.com/archives/129650

The Passport Operation for Terror Activities

There is enough reason to believe information on this. It is a well-known criminal act done in the country by both Tamil and Muslim terrorists. However, the “source” revealed another interesting fact. Muslims are given false passports with Sinhalese names. Following 9/11, persons with Muslims names were thoroughly checked at international ports and airports around the world. By changing their names, they could easily pass through. A similar trick was used by 9/11 attackers and many other terrorists around the world. The fact that the false passport operation was carried by a former Muslim minister’s son does not surprise anyone especially in the light of another revelation – (C/NF) “the Source also identified Muslim Minister Rauf Hakeem as a supporter of this [Jihad] camp”.

Radical Muslim Students in Universities

Although the “source” claims he knows close to one hundred radical Muslims students at the Jayawardanapura University, the number cannot be true given the total number of Muslim students in that university. However, this number is well within the possible number of radicals in all the universities, especially in the Eastern and South Eastern Universities. It is very likely they are actually developing chemical agents and other weaponry using the knowledge and resources gained at the universities. However, at that time it was unlikely they were attempting to develop anthrax. Interestingly, it was the SLMC when it was a partner of the PA government (1994-2001) that built the South Eastern University for Muslims. Many Middle Eastern Islamic groups financially assisted its construction. What is more interesting is the repetition of the events and connections of the actors. After 10 years later, same SLMC actors are involved in wrongfully and dramatically increasing the number and percentage of Muslim students at the Sri Lanka Law College in an attempt to impose Sharia Law in the long run. This corroboratory evidence support what Mohamed Ilyars Mohamed HUNU revealed 10 years ago.

In addition, a large number of Islamic education centres, government schools and international schools have come up in the last decade. Islamic fundamentalists have many openings for the propagation of radical Islam and knowledge on ancient Arabic warfare and weaponry through these. Those who perform well are given scholarships to study advanced techniques of indoctrination and violence in Saudi Arabia.

There is a reason why most Muslim schools in outskirts of major towns have their medium of instruction in Tamil. This way the Sinhala majority will not be able to understand them. It is also essential for growing connections they have with former Tamil terrorists in South India. A Tamil speaking Muslim was arrested with plans to attack the Kudankulam nuclear power plant in South India. He was attempting to escape to Colombo where the Indian RAW thinks the ISI South Asian coordination unit is. However, there is nothing to prove these Indian allegations.

http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2012-09-22/chennai/34021234_1_isi-police-custody-judicial-custody

A 2002 Bali style terror attack on westerners who bring bulk of the tourist revenue can destroy the burgeoning tourism industry.

Jihad Camp Supported by Sections of Police and SLMC Leader?

The “source” mentioned Jihad operations are supported by some Muslim police officers and the SLMC leader. He has also claimed their main source of weapons at that time was the police. This claim is true. Following Black August attacks by Tamil terrorists in 1990, under the instructions of the then government, the police provided Muslims in the east with assault rifles. More than 250 were provided in 1990 but when they were requested to be handed over by Minister Hisbullah in 2010, only a mere 20 were handed over. Others still remain at large.

Rauf Hakim’s involvement in anti-national activities and Islamic fundamentalism is very well known. He has a history of supporting Islamic extremism and terrorism. He was sacked from his minister post in 2001 after he declared two separate Islamic states within Sri Lanka.

http://www.priu.gov.lk/news_update/EditorialReviews/erev200106/20010623editorialreview.html

During the same year he publicly blamed the Long Range Reconnaissance Patrol (LRRP) unit for plotting to eliminate Tamil terrorist leaders. After a Tamil terror attack that killed a dozen Muslims in the east in 2007, Hakim instigated Muslims to attack Special Task Force camps and convoys in the east. He played a crucial role in creating a rift between the former army commander Fonseka and the government in an attempt to dilute the May 2009 military victory. In 2012 he called Buddhist monks “terrorists”. He was forced to apologise or lose his ministry and he obviously chose the former. He manipulated the government to provide various unfair concessions to Muslims at the expense of others.

Disturbing Population Growth Rate of Muslims

The rate of population growth of Muslims has been astronomical from 1946 to 2012. It has disturbed the peaceful ethnic balance. At the time of independence, Muslim population percentage was just 5.1% which has almost doubled in 2012 to 9.2%. Undoubtedly this is the largest growth in population of any ethnicity. Since 1981 to 2012, Muslim population shows astronomical growth from 7% to 9.2% – the largest percentage increase.

District wise Muslim population percentage increase

 
1981
2012
Increase
Trincomalee
28.8
40.4
11.6
Puttalam
9.9
19.3
9.4
Kandy
10.5
14.0
3.5
Colombo
8.2
10.5
2.3
Ampara
41.5
43.6
2.1
Kurunegala
5.0
7.1
2.1
Matale
7.0
9.1
2.1
Kegalle
5.0
6.9
1.9
Kalutara
7.4
9.2
1.8
Gampaha
2.7
4.2
1.5
Badulla
4.2
5.7
1.5
Batticaloa
24.0
25.5
1.5
Anuradhapura
7.1
8.2
1.1

Measures must be taken to curtail this astronomical Muslim population growth to maintain peace and the harmonious ethnic balance. With indoctrination in full swing, a larger group of radicals pose a graver national security threat.

(Since identifying the emergence of radical Islam in eastern Sri Lanka and Colombo, USAID has redoubled its projects and microfinance in the east in an attempt to quell it. However, it is unlikely to achieve anything as it is pittance compared to the billions coming from the Middle East accompanied with radical teachings.)

Annexure-1

SUBJECT: WALK-IN DESCRIBES MUSLIM EXTREMIST ACTIVITIES IN SRI LANKA

Classified By: RSO Alex Moore – Exempt from Declassification.  Reason: 1.6 (X1)

1. (C/NF) Summary – On 10/14/03 and again on 10/15/03, RSO interviewed an unknown walk-in Source of undetermined reliability who claimed to have information on several aspects of Muslim radicalism in Sri Lanka.  The information included the name of a passport vendor in Colombo who provides false passports to Muslim terrorists, some of whom are allegedly now in the U.S., information on a group of radical Muslim students at a local university in Colombo, information on Muslim police connections to Muslim terrorist groups in the Eastern Provinces of Sri Lanka, and information on a Muslim terrorist training camp in the Eastern Provinces.  End Summary.

2. (C/NF) On 10/14/2003, an unknown Source phoned Embassy Colombo and spoke with the RSO regarding radical Muslim activities in Sri Lanka.  An appointment was made for the Source to come to the North Gate of the Embassy to be interviewed at 1630 hours.  The Source came at the appointed time and identified himself as Mohamed Ilyars Mohamed HUNU (father’s name NOONU), DPOB 12/15/1972 – Sri Lanka, National Identity Number 723501008V, SL PPT# L0130138.  Source provided two phone numbers: 034-2277851 and 94-1-222-2787. Source claimed to be a police bodyguard for the Sri Lankan Minister of State for Housing in the Eastern Provinces 1991-94, but was currently unemployed and a father of three children.  He also produced documentation as a former worker in private security in the U.A.E.

3. (C/NF) Source indicated that he had information on operations and activities of radical Muslims in Sri Lanka, to include the name of a passport vendor in Colombo who provides false passports to terrorists, the existence of a group of radical Muslim students at a local university, links between Muslim Police and extremist Muslim groups in the Eastern Provinces of Sri Lanka, and information on the existence of a Muslim terrorist training camp in the Eastern Provinces.

4. (C/NF) RSO pressed the Source for details on the passport vendor in Colombo, and the Source advised that the name of the vendor was Ilyars Hajy Faleel HAJY.  HAJY was the son of a former Muslim Minister in the government and, in addition to the fraudulent passport operation, is a gem dealer. Source claimed that HAJY takes Sri Lankan passports with Muslim names and changes them to Sinhalese names.  The Source also alleged that HAJY has forged passports for terrorists from Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka, some of whom are already in the U.S.  Source could not provide additional details on this last claim, but Source offered to provide a sample of HAJY’s forgeries the following day.  (On 10/15/03, Source returned to the Embassy and provided a second passport #M1091886 containing his photo in the name of Mohamed Imtiyaz Mohamed FULAIL, with a DOB 03/02/1973.  He said the passport cost him 30,000 Rupees or $300.  Source also produced a second National Identity Card #730624786V using that name. Both appeared authentic. He also produced a copy of a visa to the U.A.E. in the name Mohamed Fulail Mohamed.  In addition, Source provided an address for the document vendor as an apartment building owned by his father named the SATHOSA BUILDING on Galle Road near a 3-Star gas station.)

5.  (C/NF) Source then stated that he knew of a group of about 100 radical Muslim students at Jayawardana Pura University in Colombo who were associated with the extremist group “Jihad.”  After some thought, he identified one member of the group as Mohamed Ansar MINSAR, whose father may be Mohamed Farook FAHIM or Fahim FAROOK.  Source provided cell phone numbers for MINSAR as 0777-405-805 and 0777-405-186. Source claimed this “Jihad” group is connected to terrorist training operations in the Eastern Provinces, and some of the students have been under contract with the “Jihad” leadership to develop anthrax.

6.  (C/NF) Finally, Source indicated that Muslims, increasingly frustrated at armed attacks by the LTTE in the East, have formed a militant training camp near Batticaloa for the purpose of defending against the LTTE and to strike against Western interests, including the U.S.  Source stated that Iraqis were in the camp, which is supported partially by Sri Lankan Muslims working in Kuwait and sending money to “Jihad.”  The camp gets some of its weapons from supportive Muslim police in the region.  Source provided the name of one of the Police Chiefs as “Majeed.”  The Source also identified Muslim Minister Rauf Hakeem as a supporter of this camp.

7.  (C/NF) When asked why he was providing this information, Source indicated he was unemployed and had a family to support.  Source offered to “work” for the embassy and suggested he be allowed to travel to the East to get more details on the camp.  RSO replied that the details of his information would be checked and the Embassy would contact him if further information was needed.

8.  (C/NF) RSO action/comment:  RSO will attempt to use local contacts to verify information regarding the passport vendor and the existence of a “Jihad” group of students at the university.  Information regarding terrorist training in the East will be forwarded to local contacts for further investigation.  Results will be forwarded as received.  This is the second walk-in in two weeks with information regarding extremist Muslim activity in Sri Lanka.  We will continue to monitor increasing Muslim frustration with LTTE attacks against Muslims in the East as one possible indicator of growing radicalism on the part of Muslims in Sri Lanka.

http://wikileaks.org/cable/2003/10/03COLOMBO1810.html

Sunday, January 13, 2013

Security Forces Bust TGTE-TNA-JSU Terrorist Plot


If you follow the weapons trail, you will unearth the plotters behind. This modern adage among defence circles the world over provides an easy and reliable pointer towards terror bigwigs. World illegal arms trade is estimated to be around 1 billion a year. Tamil Tigers had the world’s most advanced weapons procurement system equipped with ships, dealers, money collection up to $300 million annually, contacts with other terrorist organizations, assembling facilities in Cambodia and Vietnam, drug dealings in Colombia and other connected facilities. Although the war ended in 2009, Tamil terrorist networks continue to operate albeit at a lower scale.

After a few bloody internal battles in Norway, Canada and France, TGTE has taken over bulk of Tamil terrorist finances. These finances are channeled to propaganda and terrorist activities that go hand in hand.

Mid 2012 several TNA MPs and ACTC leaders visited Tamil Diaspora activists in Europe and Canada. A plan was hatched to revive the armed struggle around the LTTE Heroes Day 2012. They were given an energy jab by the April 2012 UNHRC resolution. TNA MPs through their coordinating committee instigated the JSU (Jaffna Students Union) to launch a violent movement to revive the movement. Millions of rupees passed hands.

However, most Tamil students at the Jaffna University were uninterested in LTTE activities. Still a small but influential group of TNA connected students clashed with the police. LTTE/TGTE and JSU link is Jaffna District TNA MP, Sivagnaam Sritharan.

S Sritharan, MP, has several connections with both sides of the new Tamil violent movement. He was the principal of the Kilinochchi Maha Vidyalayam, a school of large attendance. As a result he developed a close rapport with young Tamil students. This is what came handy in getting the JSU to do TGTE/LTTE dirty work.

However, Sritharan has other LTTE connections too. His wife is the sister of Velayuthapillai Bharathakumar (aka Brigadier Theepan). Theepan was a senior Tamil terrorist leader who managed to survive until the last phase of the war. Family connections and work relations with LTTE/TGTE and JSU are not the only influencers he has over them. In April 2012 he travelled to Tamil Nadu to participate in a seminar by pro-Tamil Elamist lawyers including the Madurai Bar Association and Madurai Tamil Advocates Union. Marudai Tamil advocates closely worked with several LTTE operatives arrested in India over the years as their lawyers. Madurai Bar Association staged various fasts and protests against the court case and the conviction of Rajiv Ghandi assassins – all of them Tamils.

As such Sritharan has emerged the new central hub of TGTE, LTTE, Tamil Nadu ultra-Tamil nationalists, JSU, TNA and the general public of Jaffna and Vanni. Sritharan and Vasanthan, a TNA grassroots level activist, were accused by northern Tamils for the attack on TELO breakaway faction’s political office in 2012. They were arrested recently in the possession of C4 explosive – the most common explosive used by Tamil terrorists. Security forces also found a large volume of pornographic material in their possession.

Attempts by various NGOs and other LTTE sympathizers to get them released have failed so far. For the sake of national security, these terrorist elements must be kept away from the general public. Sri Lanka won a bloody battle against Liberation Tamil Terrorists of Elam (LTTE) in May 2009. Since then peace has dawned on the island nation.
 

Friday, August 3, 2012

A UNHRC 2013 Resolution May Force a Referendum in North-East as the Indian Imposed 13 Amendment


The Indo Lanka Peace Accord of July 1987 required Sri Lanka to hold a referendum only in the northern province and the eastern province by 31 December 1988. It was to decide whether these two provinces should permanently merge. However, according to the Constitution and the Referendum Act of 1982, only the President can call a referendum. Using this provision, Sri Lanka managed to evade the referendum that was forced upon the nation.

The danger of a referendum is imminent

A vital legal question is, has Sri Lanka abrogated the 1987 Indo-Lanka Peace Accord. Although the IPKF was sent back, there is no mentioning of formerly abrogating the Indo-Lanka Peace Accord. If it is still in force, Sri Lanka is still under the obligation to follow it though it was never beneficial to the island nation. No matter how trivial it may be, the Indo-Lanka Peace Accord must be abrogated if it not done so until now.

Assuming the Accord has ended and is not valid anymore, there is a very high likelihood India will once again set a date for a referendum in the north and the east. Having learnt the mistake of allowing the Sri Lankan Constitution to decide when to hold it, India and USA, via another UNHRC resolution, force Sri Lanka to hold a referendum in the north and the east. There is no law barring it. Although it seems grossly unfair and unwise to hold a referendum only in two out of nine provinces of the country, the law does not stop it. Half knowledge pundits claiming such a referendum cannot be held must think again. The government of Sri Lanka accepted and agreed to hold such a referendum in the north and the east in 1987! That means it is doable. Ultimately what matter is not what is righteous but what works.

Tamils Against Genocide, British Tamil Forum, Global Tamil Forum, Transitional Government of Tamil Elam and Tamils for Obama are strongly canvassing for a referendum to decide the future of the northern and eastern provinces. They go a step further; they want the referendum to decide on self-determination.

It is more than likely the 22nd session of the UNHRC when Sri Lanka is obliged to report back on the compliance with the 2012 March resolution will pass another resolution to hold an internationally monitored referendum in the north and the east to be held on to decide either on total self determination or their merger. Brushing aside this likelihood with logic, morality and other immature arguments is outright foolish. UNHRC does not operate on logic, morality, righteousness or balance. It is totally run by the concept ‘might is right’.

The threat UNHRC poses to sovereignty, territorial integrity and the unitary status must be countered with a foolproof strategy.

Otherwise until Tamil Elam is created, they will come up with videos, documentaries, resolutions, etc.

How to avoid it or overcome it

There is no sense in struggling with 52 member contingents to Geneva, protests marches island-wide, pointing out to rampant double standards of the UNHRC and reconciliation achievements. They don’t stand a chance as can be seen from the March 2012 UNHRC session. Tamils for Obama would have scored another victory by then by supporting the upcoming US election, hiring more legal experts the government of Sri Lanka cannot even think of, creating more manipulative videos, buying more NGOs/politicians/activists, etc. and making further inroads into Tamil Nadu.

Interestingly the next Indian Parliamentary General Election is due around the same time the 22ndsession of the UNHRC will be held! That means Tamil Nadu influence on India will be many times more then than in 2012.   

By 2013, more moderate nations would have fallen out to become pro-US puppet regimes. Like Libya did in 2012, they too will vote against Sri Lanka.

There is only one way to overcome it. Aggressive, state sponsored “colonization” (the word used by Hon DS Senanayake) of the north and the east with new non-Tamil settlements.

That is the only way this absurdity can be overcome sustainably. Going by the voting pattern, there is a deficit of 270,059 non-Tamil voters in the north and east to defeat any referendum. In other words, around 300,000 adults must be settled in the north and the east by mid next year.   

TNA, TULF, ACTC, ITAK, TMVP and part of EPDP voters will vote for separation or merger of the north and the east. Since the 2010 General Election had a low turnout (lower than the 2010 Presidential Election), the 2004 General Election data is used. LTTE rigged the vote in Vanni at that election. However, still the voter turnout was low compared to rest of the country. If a referendum is held in the north and the east only, Tamils from these areas living in Colombo will also vote. It is no secret they have registered in both districts’ election registers. Therefore it is safe to assume a higher number for them.

Based on these results district-wise “NO” (NO to merger or self determination) and “YES” (YES to merger or self determination) votes percentages are as follows.

Batticaloa – 17% NO; 83% YES
Digamadulla – 81% NO; 19% YES
Jaffna – 6% NO; 94% YES
Trincomalee – 59% NO; 41% YES
Vanni – 10% NO; 90% YES

Applying registered voters as below and a voter turnout of 80% for the east and 60% for the north,

Total NO vote – 463,308
Total YES vote – 733,367

Difference – YES vote higher by 270,059.

This is the current ground reality. This must be changed by settling sufficient numbers of people to balance the ethnic composition in the north.

It is worth noting that had the Sinhala and Muslim people were not chased away from the north and the east, their numbers would have grown to an additional 161,979 applying average population growth rates to their populations in Jaffna in 1971 and 1990. That would have reduced the deficiency to only 108,080.

Sinhalisation of the north and east must start now aiming for the possibility of another UNHRC resolution that may force a partial resolution on Sri Lanka. UNHRC, India, USA and Norway (CFA) have already shown they can effectively circumvent to Constitution by either buying over or threatening politicians. The time to act is now, not in 2013. 

Providing housing facilities to security forces personnel and their families in the north is a good start. It can also overcome the UNHRC demand for demilitarisation. It is a quick way to change the ethnic composition of the north irrespective of the fact they live there or not. Timely action within Sri Lanka can make any external threat ineffective.